to be hoped that the three great Powers will guarantee an independent,
sovereign free Poland.5 That is what the Prime Minister said to us not so
many days ago, on 27th October. Within the month, Mr. Stettinius said :
* The specific question of a guarantee of the Polish frontier by this Govern-
ment was not, and could not have been, at issue since this Government's
traditional policy of not guaranteeing frontiers in Europe is well known.'
1 suppose it was well kiiown to the Foreign Office. I suppose it was well
known to those who advised rny right hon. Friend the Prime Minister when
he spoke in this House on 27th October.
" But I would not put the main question upon defirLngs or sharings of
frontier or of guarantee. Some hon. Member from the other side begged
friends of Poland to be careful. I am not a friend of Poland. I am a friend
of England, and if I am a friend of any other country in tht world, perhaps
Scotland and France might compete for that friendship. 1 speak in this
House not in the least as a friend of Poland. I think if is ncr the business
of this House to consider the interests of Poland as such, and tint the specific
business of this House is to consider the interests of the British Empire and
the British people ... I am not concerned about where Polish frontiers
should be. I think it is a very interesting question that we migit discuss
on another day. What I am concerned about is5 wherever the PoliSi frontier
is and however small or great Poland is, will the countries of Euroie, at the
moment when Germany is defeated,, think that those lines of front^r were
drawn wherever they have been drawn as a result of complete fldeity on
the part of the British Government, or will Europe not think so. I believe
that on the answer to that question depends the chance of any peace < all
before all of our sons are dead.
" Therefore, in a sense I attach much more importance to the Lull in
Committee than I do to the actual frontier. In one sense I agree, respee-
fully, with the hon. Member who said that we need not waste time with tl>
Lublin Committee, because every body knows it is bogus. Is there any-
body who will dare to say that it is less bogus than the Vlasov Committee ?
The thing is completely and absolutely bogus, and it is not therefore worth
while going through the biographies of the members who compose it and
guessing which of them have been lifelong paid employees of the O.G.P.U.
or who have not, and who have been imprisoned for what and who had not.
I do not think that is worth doing. There are two things which I hope the
House will forgive me for thinking worth mention, two things which do
prove the bogus nature of this Committee.
" One is what happened in Warsaw in August and September. That
rising, whatever else anybody may think about it, was perhaps the most heroic
episode of the war. The whole population rose. Nobody ever denied that
the whole population rose. Even broadcasts which were most against
Warsaw, both the German-controlled and the Russian-controlled broad-
casts in the early days, when both sides were trying to play the thing down,
agreed that it was a 100 per cent* affair, and that the whole city rose. That
is more convincing than a plebiscite. You could have a plebiscite that gave
you 99.99999 " Yesses * and you could not get so convincing a proof as
that was, where the allegiance of the Poles went. The allegiance of the
Poles went to the so-called * emigre * Government. In that respect, I
think we might be a little careful about describing our allies as emigre
Governments, which has become almost a term of abuse, and threatens to
be a terrible term of reproach against us. One day, a country which stands
up on the same side as ourselves has c found its soul' and two days or two
months, no, but at any rate less than two years later, it is an * emigre
Government.* Anyway, that was one proof that the Polish Government